Venezuela

El Primero de Mayo, cientos de miles de personas marcharon en Caracas en defensa de los derechos de los trabajadores y la revolución bolivariana. Los medios de comunicación internacionales, que han prestado mucha atención a Venezuela y tenían corresponsales en Caracas ese día, fueron unánimes en su silencio. Ni una sola mención a la manifestación. Aquí va mi crónica.

On May Day, hundreds of thousands marched in Caracas in defence of workers' rights and the Bolivarian revolution. The mass media internationally, which has been paying a lot of attention to Venezuela and had correspondents in Caracas at the time, was unanimous in its silencing of this demonstration. Here's my account. 

El presidente Maduro ha convocado a la realización de una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. ¿Qué papel jugará este proceso en la actual crisis que vive la Revolución Bolivariana? Permitirá la Constituyente radicalizar hacia la izquierda de manera definitiva la revolución, derrotando así a las fuerzas de la reacción burguesa e imperialista de una vez por todas, o será este nuevamente un proceso político estéril, como ocurrió con el Congreso de la Patria? El siguiente artículo constituye el primer pronunciamiento oficial de la Corriente Marxista Lucha de Clases sobre la convocatoria a Constituyente, las tareas de la revolución y las perspectivas para la lucha de clases en Venezuela.

Durante su discurso en una masiva manifestación bolivariana el 1º de mayo, el presidente de Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, ha anunciado la convocatoria de una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, que describió como una asamblea obrera y comunal. La oposición venezolana ha rechazado inmediatamente esto como parte del “golpe de estado del régimen” y ha hecho un llamamiento a favor de una escalada de las protestas.

During his speech at a massive Bolivarian May Day rally, Venezuelan President, Nicolas Maduro, has announced the convening of a National Constituent Assembly, which he described as a workers’ and communal assembly. The Venezuelan opposition has immediately rejected this as part of the “regime’s coup” and has called for an escalation of protests.

“C’è stato un colpo di stato in Venezuela! Maduro ha cercato di prendere tutto il potere!”. A pochi giorni dal quindicesimo anniversario del colpo di stato (di breve durata) contro Chavez il presidente democraticamente eletto (11-13 aprile 2002), gli stessi che avevano portato avanti quel glope (ovvero l’oligarchia venezuelana e i loro padroni di Washington con il proprio seguito di tirapiedi a Buenos Aires, Brasilia, Santiago del Cile e Lima, applauditi da quel branco di lupi che sono i media a Madrid e negli Stati Uniti) ora gridano e urlano come iene contro un presunto “auto golpe” del presidente Maduro.

“There’s been a coup in Venezuela! Maduro has carried out a power-grab!” Just a few days before the 15th anniversary of the short lived coup against the democratically elected president Chavez (11-13 April, 2002), those who carried out that coup (the Venezuelan oligarchy, their masters in Washington and its lapdogs in Buenos Aires, Brasilia, Santiago de Chile and Lima, cheered on by the media wolf pack in Madrid and the US) are now shouting and screaming like hyenas against an alleged “self coup” by president Maduro.

The Bolivarian Revolution is at one of its lowest points since President Chávez’s electoral victory in 1998. On top of the defeat in the December 2015 National Assembly elections, the aggravation of the economic situation is impacting the mass of the working people—who are the base and support of the revolution. It is time to draw a serious balance sheet.

Last Thursday, the criminal courts of Monagas, Carabobo, Aragua and Apure states, among other states, annulled the collection of the 1% of signatures needed to activate a recall referendum, after they upheld claims of electoral fraud which were brought before them in relation to accusations of forgery and identity theft committed during the process. Such a judgement  means that the final step prior to the invocation of a recall referendum, the collection of the signatures of 20% of the electorate, is automatically suspended. The CNE (National Electoral Council) then proceeded to issue a statement in which the suspension of the collection of signatures was ordered across the

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This thesis documentwas drafted, discussed, and approved by our members this past October 2015. Although it was written some months ago, it still remains valid. It reflects a correct understanding of the events that have taken place, and shows how our warnings were confirmed in the face of serious threats from the counterrevolution. We believe that the document serves as a tool in the debate that is developing within the ranks of the Chavista movement in general.

The assault against the Bolivarian revolution has intensified in the recent days and weeks. Editorials and front pages in US and Spanish newspapers are screaming about hunger in Venezuela and demanding the removal of the “dictatorial regime”. Ongoing scarcity problems have led to instances of looting. The right-wing opposition is attempting to trigger a presidential recall referendum, but is also threatening violent action and appealing to foreign powers, including in some case for military intervention. What is really happening in Venezuela and how can these threats be faced?

With 53% of the votes the Venezuelan opposition has managed to secure 112 seats in the National Assembly. This gives them a sweeping two third majority and wide ranging powers. Drunk with victory and seething with revenge, they have started to announce plans to reverse every single one of the gains of the Bolivarian revolution. This has provoked ferment amongst the revolutionary rank and file, which at the same time is directing part of their anger at bureaucrats and reformists within its own ranks.

Late into the night on 6th December, the Venezuelan National Electoral Council announced provisional but conclusive results for the parliamentary election. The counter-revolutionary opposition MUD had won 99 seats to the Bolivarian PSUV’s 46, with another 22 remaining to be allocated. This is a serious setback and it is our duty to analyse the reasons and explain the likely consequences.

Venezuelans will go to the polls on December 6 to elect deputies to the National Assembly. A combination of factors have made this one of the most difficult challenges the Bolivarian Revolution has faced in the 17 years since President Chávez was first elected in 1998. In addition to the usual challenges of a profoundly undemocratic opposition and belligerent imperialist provocations we have to add a combination of national and international economic factors which have put Venezuela in a very tight spot and which lead to one conclusion: either the revolution is completed, or it will be defeated.

In this article we will be analysing the objective conditions which led to the emergence of SIMADI and the currency exchange controls in general, which since their implementation have been unable to reach their stated objective of preventing capital flight.